Africa can no longer be lectured

Interview on Africa’s position in the world with Murithi Mutiga, head of programs with the International Crisis Group in Nairobi

Murithi Mutiga

Africa hardly played a role in the geopolitics of the United States under Donald Trump; the competition with China and Russia was given priority. Meanwhile, Beijing and Moscow have been pampering African countries at special summits for years. Washington was also holding such a summit with African heads of state for the first time since 2014 this week. In addition to the 49 heads of government, the president of the African Union, Moussa Faki Mahamat, was also invited. But Western influence in Africa is waning. Take trade between China and African countries. It reached a historic high of $254 billion in 2021, while that of the United States with Africa decreased from $142 billion in 2008 to $64 billion in 2021.

“Asian, Turkish and Arab companies come to do business, they come to engage, bringing in their airlines, their businesspeople, settling here, engaging in partnerships, they see it as an opportunity for long term business. While the United States and Europe treat Africa paternalistically, as a problem area that must be solved,” says Kenyan Murithi Mutiga, head of Africa at the think tank the International Crisis Group. “That difference in approach means that the partners of the future are the ones in the east.”

With the new balance of power in the world, stripped of the hegemony of the United States and Europe, Africa no longer accepts lessons from the West. Murithi Mutiga is surprised that this is not getting through to the West.

“It is amazing that the West was surprised when the continent refused to side with the United States and Europe in the conflict with Russia over Ukraine,” Mutiga says in Kenya’s capital Nairobi.

Does the independent position of African countries in the war in Ukraine expose a grudge against the West?

“What arouses feelings against the West, of course, are first the memories of humiliating colonialism. And what Europeans and Americans forget is that in the Western world the Cold War is remembered as a time of peace, but almost everywhere else as a period of conflict. The Soviet Union and the United States fought their wars through proxies in Africa. They changed sides according to their own interests. This happened in wars in the Horn of Africa and in Angola and Congo.

“And then there is the Western hypocrisy. Europeans fail to realize the anger that NATO’s intervention in Libya provoked, just when the African Union was working on a peaceful solution.

“From this comes the tendency in Africa to remain nonaligned on the Ukraine issue. Europe will have to understand that Africans will henceforth make their decisions autonomously, in a multipolar world in which no one ideology dominates.”

Africa felt belittled?

“Yes. In the 1980s and 1990s, the continent had become subservient to the economic policies of Western institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.

“At that time I was working as a journalist for the Kenyan newspaper Daily Nation. The first thing that was impressed upon us in the editorial office were the names of the representatives of the World Bank and the IMF in the country. The West bullied Africa with the anti-social policies of those two institutions. Americans and Europeans don’t realize how much we detested that.

“The United States used to be able to help settle conflicts, but in the biggest war in Africa in a long time – the conflict in Ethiopia between the central government and the state of Tigray – they proved virtually powerless.

“Ten years ago, the United States still had enough influence to enforce South Sudan’s independence. The war in Ethiopia shows what can happen if there is less order in the world. Turkey, the Emirates, Eritrea, they determined the outcome of this war. Such are the consequences of a new era without hegemonic control.”

Which African country can fill the vacuum?

“One of the major problems is that the giants are struggling. Nigeria is drifting along in difficult economic and security circumstances. South Africa used to be seen as a moral compass but now it cannot even solve its problems in its own governing party. And Ethiopia will have to recover for many years to reclaim its influence. Africa has dire challenges but a weak leadership. There is a vacuum in leadership.

If foreign powers can no longer force an African country into peace talks, who can? African solutions to African problems, without outside interference? In Ethiopia it only worked after two years, when the African Union finally acted.

“Ethiopia has a complex history, with wars fueled by elites. This war was very popular among the masses. It shows how deep-rooted the grievances are and that makes it difficult to come to a solution. Until the parties were exhausted. Wars in Ethiopia usually end by their own internal logic. Sudan, on the other hand, where a peace agreement was recently concluded, has a its own homegrown culture of dialogue, despite its bloody history, but the elites have always been able to engage with each other, in contrast to Ethiopia where they sometimes seem to be buried in their grievances and their hostilities to one an another”.

Is the influence of the West over? The United States warns African countries about the dangerous influence of autocratic China and Russia.

“To reduce the debate to a dispute between democracy and autocracy, Africa will not accept that. We know how the West maintained autocrats in Africa, most prominently the megalomaniac Mobutu of Zaire.

“The forms of governance in Africa are determined by local circumstances, not by the partner we deal with. China is not forcing its governance model on us.

“And Africa is not turning away from the West either. At the height of the war, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy was very anti-Western, but now that the damage of the war must be repaired, he still needs Washington, the World Bank and the IMF once more.”

This article was first published in the Nehterlands newspaper NRC on 12-12-2022

Once more the Maasai will be expelled from the Garden of Eden they helped to create

It’s called a Wonder of the World. Around the lush green-clad mountain ranges of the Rift Valley and the sea of plains in the Serengeti Game Park, and at the bottom of the immense Ngorongoro crater, the nomadic Maasai of Northern Tanzania shared the Garden of Eden with zebras, lions and wildebeest. But white conservationists, Arab hunters and a growing population undermined the symbiosis. A crisis arose that exploded in June 2022 when riots broke out leaving one person dead, people were displaced and dozens of Maasai shelters went up in flames.

The Maasai have to leave two areas: in the game park Loliondi they have to make way for hunters, in Ngorongoro for tourists. “The government is selling us to the Arabs,” complains Paul ole Sarbabi (a pseudonym) in Arusha, northern Tanzania. He is Maasai and has just returned from Loliondo, which borders the Serengeti wildlife park. This morning he awoke with an elephant at his kraal, his home with a fenced yard. “Wild animals feel safe with us, but the Arabs come to shoot them,” he sneers. “The government has started to demarcate our grazing areas for the Arabs, who want to expand their hunting grounds. We oppose it and the government acts cruelly against us. All Maasai are now scared; if we see a government car, we run. Our area is under a kind of martial law.”

According to Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan, nature in the Ngorongoro is in danger if the crater is not depopulated now. “We agreed at the time that Ngorongoro is a special area where people and animals coexist. But now it appears that the number of people exceeds that of animals,” she says. In 1959 eight thousand Maasai lived there, now about one hundred thousand. The government wants to reduce that to around twenty thousand. That means only Maasai traditional kraals are left for cultural tourism.

Ngorongoro, Loliondo, Serengeti in Northern Tanzania and the adjacent Maasai Mara in Kenya form a unique ecosystem in the world. But the question arises again and again whether people actually belong there. In and around the Ngorongoro, the government wants the majority of the Maasai – officially on a voluntary basis – to leave the area and settle further south in government-set up settlement villages.

Wild animals and humans do not fit together, is the claim of many animal protectors, mostly from Europe. One of the founders of the protected areas in the Ngorongoro and Serengeti game park was the German professor Bernard Grzimek. He wrote 70 years ago: “For a national park to retain its essential character, it must remain pristine wilderness. No one, not even the natives, is allowed to live in it.” True to that idea, the colonial government threw the Maasai out of the 14,763 square kilometer Serengeti in the late 1950s. They would pose a threat to the animals and were only allowed to live in and around the Ngorongoro Crater, an 8,300 square kilometer reserve. Scientists all over the world have now come to the conclusion that involving the local population is essential for nature conservation.

Grim atmosphere

“What is happening is yet another land theft of the Maasai, the war against the Maasai has been going on since colonial times,” says Tanzanian opposition leader Tindu Lissu from his place of exile in Belgium. The warlike people dominated East Africa until the end of the nineteenth century. In the competition between man and beast, however, wild animals still had the upper hand. Since then, the Maasai in Tanzania have lost 60 percent of their territory to wildlife parks. Yet they still dominate the steppes of northern Tanzania and southern Kenya with their red and blue shawls. But youngsters no longer amble after the cattle, they ride on mopeds. Their savannas are now dotted with schools, churches and mosques. Factories appear in Maasailand on the Kenyan side of the border, old customs such as female circumcision disappear, agriculture is introduced, and many Maasai are now part of an outspoken elite of lawyers and politicians, the pride of their community. The stereotypical image of the nomadic people is no longer valid.

The higher areas around Ngorongoro and Loliondo are not affected by the drought that has caused massive livestock deaths elsewhere in East Africa for years. It is still wonderfully green. Around this time each year, over a million wildebeest and zebras from the Serengeti come to graze and calve before beginning their annual migration north.

A grim atmosphere has developed in Tanzania around the debate about nature reserves. Maasai only want to give information in back places in Arusha, and they don’t dare to take a stranger to their kraals. “The government has a colonial nature conservation policy,” grumbles Maasai activist and lawyer Joseph Ole Shangay from Ngorongoro. “She says she wants to protect paradise, but it is not about nature, it is about money. Tanzania has so many wild animals precisely because there are also nomads. We do not threaten wildlife, we are natural conservationists.”

In colonial times, Loliondo was reserved for European aristocrats as a hunting ground. Books in the 1950s in which the hunter writers Ernest Hemingway and Robert Ruark portrayed the inhabitants as savages and poachers and called them scoundrels, became famous in the white world. President Roosevelt went on a hunting safari there at the beginning of the last century and Winston Churchill fired from the locomotive of the train from Mombasa to Nairobi.

Kenya banned big game hunting in 1978, but the Tanzanian government believes hunting is the best use of the land and wildlife. The cost of a hunting license can easily run into the tens of thousands of dollars; a hunter brings in many times more than one of the one million tourists who visit the country every year and leave their mark in the parks with their off-road vehicles, where large hotels have been built for them.

Landing strip

Since 1993 Ole Sarabi of Loliondo has opposed the arrival of the Otterlo Business Corporation, a tourist company in the United Arab Emirates, to which the government has allocated the 1,500 square kilometer Pololeti Game Reserve for exclusive use. Members of the royal family and hundreds of other wealthy Arab guests hunt there every year. “The Arabs don’t want to see cows and Maasai. They built a luxury lodge in the mountains and a runway where an Airbus can land. When the king hunts there, he takes his own army and police with him. In 2007 they first started burning our kraals to force us to leave the area for the hunters.”

Loliondo became the focus of the crisis in June. The Maasai again resisted evictions and demarcations, security forces used tear gas and shots were fired. “When we refused to leave, the police started shooting at us,” Ole Sarbabi says. A police officer was killed, several injured and a few hundred Maasai fled across the border into Kenya. “This incident has traumatized the entire community; young people are now ready to take up arms.”

No stone houses

The Maasai went to court in Arusha for the first time in 2017 to stop hunting in their area. The state owns all land in Tanzania, “but the government cannot just give away land from the Maasai to the Arabs. The government wants to take their village land, which is against the law,” said Donald Diya, a lawyer for the Pan-African Union of Lawyers (PALU) which is assisting with the lawsuits.

Diya thinks the current nature policy is outdated and calls it ‘fortress conservation’. “It is one of the least populated areas of Tanzania, where the Maasai coexist peacefully with the wild animals. To protect the Garden of Eden you have to work with the people, but the government strategy is to clear the area of people.”

Since its first post-independence president, the socialist Julius Nyerere, Tanzania has always been governed on a strong nationalist basis, averse to tribalism. The country does not subscribe to the special rights recognized by the UN for so-called ‘indigenous peoples’. Nyerere adopted Grzimek’s old policy: around the Ngorongoro crater, the Maasai had to remain “primitive”, they were not allowed to farm and build stone houses with story’s. “You are being stopped at the gate when you try to enter the reserve with a door or toilet for your house,” says a Maasai. “And also we would like to ride a moped sometimes.”

A senior official in the area calls it “a sensitive matter” and therefore does not want his name in the newspaper. He defends the displacement of the Maasai who still live around the crater. “They are better off in the new villages that the government is now establishing for them in southern Tanzania,” he says. According to him, the soil is suffering from the increased pressure from people and livestock. “People who say otherwise refuse to change.”

According to the Maasai, there are no indications that the area is being eaten bare by their cattle due to the increased population. According to them, the wildlife population is not declining either. The Maasai do not hunt. They graft their way of life onto nature and have an intimate knowledge of it. They understand the sounds of birds and animals and part of the year their cows graze next to the zebras. “It’s racism,” says Ole Shangay. “There is no better way to explain the madness of this colonial form of conservation – that we have to leave our homeland so that others, whether white tourists, royalty or wealthy urbanites, can use our pasturelands as their playground.”

This article was first published in the Netherlands newspaper NRC on 12-12-2022

The elite in Kenya has its own highway in the sky

One thing all elites of African countries have in common: they know their way to the airport. But what if that road is always hopelessly clogged with traffic jams? The Kenyan government found a solution by building an airway. This Nairobi Expressway does not have pedestrians and bicycles, donkeys and cows, handcarts and merchandise; you float over the asphalt without holes while enjoying panoramic views of the Kenyan capital.

“This is the best infrastructure project ever accomplished in Africa,” Kenyan transport minister James Macharia praised the Expressway at its opening in May. At 17 miles, the road is the longest in the air on the continent and perhaps the most expensive at 668 million US dollar. It is a toll road and is owned by the China Road and Bridge Corporation, which will hand it over to the Kenyan government in 27 years.

Passengers used to miss their flights because it took them sometimes three hours to cover a mere thirty kilometers. Now the visitor can drive from the airport to the business center of the city or the presidential palace in less than twenty minutes. “The road attracts foreign investors,” said Minister Macharia.


The Expressway runs from the airport up the Uhuru Highway, which is the gateway to the capital and the backbone of Nairobi’s transportation system. When I arrived in Kenya half a century ago, zebras and gazelles grazed along that route to the city. Kenya then mostly had unpaved roads and only one two-lane road, the central Uhuru Highway, surrounded by pink bougainvillea, on which a few cars chugged, mostly owned by white or Indian or Arab, and rarely African drivers. The countryside was still alive in Nairobi, the greenery dominated the space, not the people and their cars. No one had heard of traffic jams yet.

Nairobi, like most African capitals, is a young city that was only founded around 1900. It was initially little more than a hamlet, with streets that turned into hip-deep mud channels in the rainy season. On the wide Sixth Avenue, now the central Kenyatta Avenue, the long bullock carts – often twelve to sixteen oxen were yoked – could turn. Now the skyscrapers of Kenyatta Avenue rise above the highway.

A little further on, rusty corrugated iron roofs at the train station can be seen. The construction in 1895 of the railway from Mombasa on the Indian Ocean to the interior heralded the beginning of the nation of Kenya. The headquarters of the railway was established where the capital was later created. Four mornings a week, at precisely 11:00 am, the steam locomotive from the coast puffed into Nairobi station. The black Kenyans had to travel on this 300-mile journey on a wooden bench in third class.

The prevailing pecking order – white, Arab, Indian and black at the bottom – also applied to Nairobi. The colonials turned it into an apartheid city. Any social contact between the different population groups was out of the question, residential areas were demarcated on the basis of ‘race’. The Kipande House is located near the station. It dates from 1913 and was for a long time the tallest building in the capital of the British colony. There every black person received his identity card, which he had to wear in a bronze pass holder around his neck like a cowbell with his name, tribal origin, boss and salary. If he was visiting the city for a short time, he had to renew his permit every three days.

Whites did not address blacks as ‘sir’ but as ‘boy’. These fourth-class citizens took shelter in so-called informal settlements, where they grouped around their government-appointed chieftains in tribal enclaves. Only in the red-light district of Majengo was there no apartheid, because prostitutes of all backgrounds worked there, including Asians and Europeans. Nairobi would always remain a city of migrants, few residents called it their “home”. The capital bore the scars of a ruthless division based on tribe and race.

A social division has replaced racial boundaries. Kenya belongs with Brazil to het countries in the world with the largest gap between rich and poor. Every inhabitant of Nairobi lives in his own social bubble, in pleasant residential areas or in raw ghettos, depending on his income.

The Expressway is a metaphor of that inequality. The criticism is that the government did not invest in an adequate transport system for everyone, but in an airway for the rich. The toll fares are high [one Expressway ride costs as much as four times a bus ticket into the city].

Car imports increased by 300 percent annually after the turn of the century, but most residents cannot afford a car. They walk. In a daily ritual just before dawn, rows of steamy job seekers walk with as much determination as red ants from the slums to the city center or industrial area. When they have work, they use the matatu, private vans that fulfill the role of public transport, but the matatus are not allowed on the Expressway. And underneath, the police chase homeless people away as soon as they put their piece of cardboard there to sleep, because it must not become a haven for the poor.

under the bridge
Under the bridge

This article was first publised in the Netherlands newspaper NRC on 26-10-2022